A US-led humanitarian corridor for Gaza

President Biden says he wants more aid in Gaza and protection for aid workers. The U.S. has the expertise, resources and leadership to make it happen.

I was about to post this piece Monday before we were all gut-punched by the death of seven workers with World Central Kitchen by Israeli airstrikes.

My close friend Linda Roth is WCK’s communications officer and I was fortunate to have taken part in several of their events over the past year. A few weeks ago, I attended an Iftar dinner hosted by the Embassy of Bahrain where Chef Jose Andres spoke passionately about his team’s commitment to feeding Palestinians in Gaza. Jose is fond of saying that food is not just about giving people nourishment but about giving them hope.

It’s worth noting that WCK fed Israelis for weeks in the aftermath of the October 7 attacks.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu attributed the attack to the “unfortunate” realities of war. The reality is that WCK's convoy had clear branding, coordinated its movements with the Israel Defense Forces, and was traveling in a “deconflicted” zone when it was hit at three separate locations by Israeli airstrikes on a road known to be frequented by aid groups.

President Joe Biden issued an unusually blunt statement critical of Israel, saying he was “outraged and heartbroken” by the killings.

“This conflict has been one of the worst in recent memory in terms of how many aid workers have been killed,” Biden said. “This is a major reason why distributing humanitarian aid in Gaza has been so difficult – because Israel has not done enough to protect aid workers trying to deliver desperately needed help to civilians.”

The tragedy brings into clear focus a hard truth: Israel lacks the capacity and, many say, the will, to manage the humanitarian aspects of the war.

A recent Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) report warned of an imminent famine in northern Gaza between now and May and a serious risk of famine for the rest of Gaza. There is some debate about that claim– but inflated or not, the crisis is palpable.

Israel has attempted to lay the blame for limited aid deliveries on Hamas, accusing the group of looting supplies. Netanyahu recently stated, "Our policy is to not have famine but to be the entry of humanitarian support as needed, and as much as is needed." (Though at a press conference in January he boasted about permitting "minimal humanitarian aid" in Gaza as a tool to achieve Israel’s military goals.)

Aid groups all describe an arduous process of getting aid inside Gaza fraught with logistical bottlenecks, political challenges, and a fragmented approach that fails to address the dire needs of the population.

Gaza has two operational crossings, Rafah and Kerem Shalom, where severe restrictions, obstructions, and delays hinder the passage of vital supplies. Furthermore, the absence of an official list of approved items for aid delivery compounds these difficulties, leading to essential supplies being arbitrarily blocked as “dual use” items that Hamas could potentially weaponize.

In El Arish, Egypt, a critical bottleneck prevents essential aid from getting timely approval for entry into Gaza. This clearance process is marred by a three-layer inspection system, further complicated by the ambiguity surrounding approved aid items. This excellent piece by CNN’s investigative team explains the situation in great detail.

“I’ve never seen a supply chain that ought to be so simple be so complicated,” Save the Children US president and chief executive Janti Soeripto told CNN last month. “The level of barriers being put in place to hamper humanitarian assistance – we’ve never seen anything like it.”

Delivery of aid through Jordan also faces coordination issues between Israel and the World Food Program, while Israeli settlers have actively impeded the delivery of aid with impunity from Israeli authorities.

Ayman Safadi, Jordan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affaies has spoken frequently about what he called “big Israeli impediments preventing the delivery of aid.” 

"The reality now is that Israeli measures are preventing sufficient aid from arriving and only a fraction is being delivered," he said

Last week in Cairo he put a question to the world: “How does the international community justify its inability to impose international law by forcing Israel to open the crossings?” 

Around 500 trucks of aid are required daily to meet the basic needs of Gaza's population, but the number able to pass into Gaza falls significantly short – with trucks often waiting for days to cross.

In his statement Tuesday, Biden said, “the United States will continue to do all we can to deliver humanitarian assistance to Palestinian civilians in Gaza, through all available means." The promises sound noble, but aid groups and Arab officials point to an American mosaic of hesitance and half-measures.

"The U.S. keeps saying there should be more aid, but they are just waiting for Israel to do it," an Arab official confided. “They are letting Israel make all the decisions."

Frustrated by the amount of aid being delivered through the land crossings, the U.S. has recently begun airdropping aid into Gaza and is now helping with the creation of a temporary port on the Gaza coast to facilitate aid delivery.

But the initiative is likely to take weeks, if not months, and is fraught with logistical, financial, and security challenges. Ky Luu, the chief operating officer at International Medical Corps who recently returned from running a field hospital in Gaza, says the pier is no substitute for the six available land crossings, which, if all operational, could provide enough aid for Gaza.

“Trying to go this route of air drops and a pier is not operationally sound, and it's a drop in the bucket of what is needed,” said Luu, a former director of USAID’s Office of Foriegn Disaster Assistance. “If you are serious about opening a humanitarian corridor, you need to open those crossings."

In February, five Democratic senators called on the Biden administration to mobilize ‘Operation Gaza Relief,’ to supply food, medicine, clean water, and shelter, noting the U.S. “might be the only nation Israel would allow to coordinate the direct provision of aid to Gaza to address the suffering.”

“It's not just a product of chaos,” says Hardin Lang, vice president for programs and policy at Refugees International, which is operating in Gaza. “There is such distrust between the Israeli government, the United Nations, and others. The U.S. needs to step in and be the honest broker at the table. Without that commitment and leadership, we're going to be doing the same thing over and over again.”

The United States, with its storied history of humanitarian intervention, could spearhead this charge. From the devastating earthquakes in Haiti to the ravages of Ebola in West Africa, U.S. military involvement in humanitarian efforts has not only provided critical aid but has also orchestrated complex logistics operations, often turning the tide in crisis situations.

Following the 2021 earthquake in Haiti, the U.S. military deployed thousands of troops, delivered tens of thousands of tons of supplies, and restored vital infrastructure, showcasing its capability to mobilize and deliver aid under dire circumstances. Similarly, in the wake of Cyclone Idai in Mozambique in 2018, American forces played a pivotal role in setting up logisitcs hubs and distributing food, water, and medical supplies, acting swiftly to mitigate the disaster's impact.

The current crisis in Gaza, while distinct due to its geopolitical complexities, calls for a similarly decisive and coordinated establishment of a humanitarian corridor, which the U.S. is uniquely positioned to lead

Conversations with United Nations and international aid officials have elicited the following blueprint for how the U.S. can help establish a humanitarian corridor in Gaza:

Appoint a High-Level Coordinator: The Biden administration should designate a senior U.S. government official, based in the region, who is empowered to lead the establishment of a clearly articulated humanitarian corridor, working with the Israeli interagency, aid groups, international organizations, and Arab nations.

Diplomatic and Logistical Coordination: The U.S. should leverage its diplomatic influence to negotiate with Israel, Egypt, and Jordan for the opening of additional crossing points and the establishment of a clear protocol for aid delivery, including an agreed-upon list of approved items, including core components of food, medical supplies, clean water, and shelter.

Utilize Military and Contractor Expertise: U.S. military assets and contracting logistics firms can streamline the aid distribution process, ensuring that supplies move efficiently from points of entry to those in need within Gaza. This could include setting up distribution hubs and utilizing military precision and capability to overcome logistical barriers. None of this suggests the US put “boots on the ground” in Gaza, which President Biden has pledged he would not do.

Build an International Coalition: An international coalition under U.S. leadership can provide funding, resources, and support for the humanitarian corridor. After the war, the coalition will be well-positioned to transition to reconstruction efforts inside Gaza.

Facilitate deconfliction: The U.S. should should have a representative embedded at the IDF’s Southern Command to manage deconfliction between aid groups delivering aid inside Gaza and units responsible for planning and current operations. This will ensure that real-time updates on aid deliveries, convoy movements, and critical infrastructure are shared to safeguard UN personnel and humanitarian assets.

In the wake of the WCK attack, Defense Minister Gallant has proposed a joint situation room inside IDF headquarters aimed at deconfliction with aid groups operating inside Gaza. Israel previously participated in a similar mechanism during the 2006 war in Lebanon, which could serve as a potential model.

Establishing Transparent Monitoring and Reporting: The U.S. should coordinate with all stakeholders to implement a transparent monitoring system to track the movement of aid and assess the effectiveness of the humanitarian corridor, facilitating adjustments and accountability in real-time

Luu, who helped lead U.S. humanitarian operations in Haiti, Myanmar, and elsewhere while at USAID, said an American-led humanitarian corridor with streamlined logistics would be a “huge game changer” for aid delivery, but stressed it had to be met with more operational capacity in Gaza to deliver the assistance.

And even with a well-oiled humanitarian corridor, distribution inside Gaza will remain at the mercy of both Hamas and the extent of lawlessness on the ground. U.S. officials and aid groups say strategies such as “dump and run” to avoid chaos at distribution points and “flooding the zone" with extra aid to offset the losses from looting, tactics borne of necessity in the harshest of theaters, can mitigate the risks.

UN and aid officials say the crisis in Gaza is daunting, but not insurmountable. The United Nations and all major aid groups have regimented systems of aid delivery used in conflict areas, like northeast Syria, to draw upon. It requires one central ingredient: political will.

By drawing on the lessons of the past, the U.S can inform a bold and compassionate response to the present crisis. Mobilizing American resources, expertise, and international influence, the Biden administration can spearhead immediate and sustained efforts to avert humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza and reaffirm its dedication to humanitarian values.